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Editorial |
On 6 February 2007, Federal Attorney-General Philip Ruddock created what
might be legal history when he announced that he would ask the
Governor-General, Major General Michael Jeffery, to disallow an ACT law
that had not yet even been debated, let alone passed by the ACT
Legislative Assembly. The Civil Partnerships Bill 2006 was introduced into the
Assembly on 12 December 2006. It was the second attempt by the ACT to
deliver functional legal equality under ACT law to the Territory’s
same-sex couples and to eradicate institutional discrimination against
gay, lesbian and transgender people in the Territory. The first attempt —
the Civil Unions Act 2006 — was on the books for just a matter of days
before it was scuttled by the Governor-General at the behest of the
Federal Government in June 2006, on the alleged grounds that it was in
conflict with the Commonwealth’s Marriage Act 1961. The ramifications of these interventions should be a
matter of concern to anyone with an interest in the history of Australian
law-making. The States and Territories are empowered to legislate for
civil unions. The Civil Unions Act and the Civil Partnerships Bill 2006
were the result of a legitimate exercise of that power. The ACT Government
campaigned on the issue and had a mandate from the community to legislate.
Extensive community consultation was undertaken before the form of the
legislation was determined. By established convention, the Crown does not intervene in
the legislative activities of the States and Territories except in the
most extreme circumstances. This may be where a law is defective, or where
a law is beyond the power of the parliament. The ACT’s Civil Unions Act
and the Civil Partnerships Bill 2006 were neither. If the Howard Government truly believed that the ACT’s
efforts to deliver legal equality to same-sex couples were inconsistent
with the Commonwealth Marriage Act 1961, it had a number of avenues open
to it. It could have challenged the laws in the courts. It chose
not to. It could have taken the approach it took a decade earlier on the
issue of euthanasia and simply removed the Territories’ power to legislate
in this area. The Federal Government chose not pursue this option
either. Could it be that it feared exposing the issue to open debate in
the Parliament? The quickest and least democratic option was to act by
executive fiat. That was the option chosen to scuttle the Civil Unions Act
2006. It seems to have been the preferred option again this time around. The ACT Government went to extraordinary lengths to
preserve the original Civil Unions Act, making dozens of amendments in an
attempt to allay the vaguely worded, shifting and unsubstantiated concerns
the Federal Government expressed in the lead-up to its passage. The ACT
even petitioned the Governor-General, to advise how the law could be
remedied and rescued, once it became clear that the Government intended to
use the Governor-General to do its dirty work. Disappointingly, less than two hours after that petition
was made, the Governor-General formally disallowed the ACT Civil Unions
Act. The Civil Partnerships Bill now before the Assembly is a
genuine attempt to respond to the Federal Government’s stated concerns
with the earlier law, while still delivering on the ACT Government’s
pledge to the community to offer formal recognition to same-sex couples
and accord them functional equality under ACT law. At the time of writing, the Federal Attorney-General is
persisting with his claim that the new Bill is likely to “undermine the
institution of marriage”. Before the elected representatives of ACT voters
have even had a chance to debate the Bill, he has announced that the
Commonwealth will again impose on the Governor General to scuttle the law,
yet again avoiding argument and debate, in contempt of basic notions of
democracy and representative government. The ACT Government will allow the Bill to lie on the
table, undebated, while it contemplates its options. The civil unions and
civil partnerships legislation personally and directly affect only a
minority of Australians. Perhaps that is why discussion of the flow-on
effects of the Commonwealth’s actions has been mainly confined to
scholars. But a precedent has been set here, a dangerous one. How strange and how sad that in Canberra, Australia, in
2006, a form of executive intervention that was historically intended to
prevent oppression or neglect by government has itself been used as a tool
of oppression. Jon Stanhope MLA has been Chief Minister of the ACT since
2001. His Government introduced Australia’s first bill of rights, the ACT
Human Rights Act, in 2004. |